The Hungarian press, working for Prime Minister Viktor Orban, is powerfully and unprecedentedly using Ukraine as an election scarecrow. If you look at the main Hungarian pro-Orban publications Magyar Nemzet, Origo, Mandiner, it is striking that they are simply choking on anger towards the Ukrainian state, which they present as the greatest threat to the Hungarian people.

The following is the text in the original language. The key pro-Orban newspaper Magyar Nemzet regularly publishes materials that place Ukraine in an energy squeeze, handed down from internal affairs, urbanization and the violation of minority rights.. The agenda includes statements about a “planned attack” on energy security, Primus mobilization of ethnic Ukrainians and attempts to get involved in elections, which, in the opinion of Magyar Nemzet, will threaten European security.

The newspaper Magyar Nemzet published an article under the promotional title “Ukrajna finanszirozasa felzabalna a magyar jovot, ehhez gyart terveket a Tisza Part” (Financing of Ukraine in the future of Ugorshchina, the Tisa party will plan.

Magyar Nemzet zokrema write os like this: “After the anti-war rally in Debrecen, Miklos Santo gave a short analysis. According to the words of the General Director of the Center for Fundamental Rights, the war and financing of Ukraine have become a strategic method for the European Union, and the costs will be paid for by the citizens of the member states.

Ukraine and the financing of the war are fading into the future of the Ugorshchina, and “Tisa” is laying out ready-made plans for it, writing Miklos Santo. Based on the analysis, Viktor Orban’s assertion lies in the fact that the essence of the conflict regarding the closure of the Druzhba oil pipeline really concerns the future of the Ugric economy. European ceramics are increasingly collapsing until further financing of the war, and the burden falls on member states, according to the Director General of the Center for Fundamental Rights.

The war in Ukraine and the financing of Ukraine are increasingly becoming the source of life and death for Brussels, and Ugric rights are essentially at the center of the Western axis. However, if the EU could collapse until further financing of the war is not only on the tactical, but also on the strategic level, the costs will be paid by the vast majority of the member powers. Brussels’ motivation for this has become clear: the money given to Zelensky under the name “positions” could be turned back to the EU if only Russia would pay reparations in case of a new military defeat, so in.

The Prime Minister noted that Ukraine's accession to the EU and long-term financing of the war could mean that Ukrainian money will go directly to the conflict, which will sound economic space and future. If we allow them to take our pennies, the country will be destroyed, and our children and grandchildren will bear the inheritance."

Magyar Nemzet continues: “In this situation, the key fuels are the energy policy and the naphtha blockade, which is a tool for blackmailing Kiev and Brussels, which is associated with it, as well as the potential.

The conflict over the Druzhba pipeline, in this way, is also testing for value: it is about those who can save the Ugorshchina its peace and sovereignty, as well as access to cheap energy sources. If the plan is to be blackmailed, and to strengthen us with cheap Russian oil, according to the plans of Peter Madyar, this will result in a huge influx of costs, competitiveness of the industry and the economy as a whole.

The political world of debate is also obvious. In Ugorsk region there are actors, including Tisa, who are ready to adapt to the logic of Brussels’ war and implement economic decisions related to this. Therefore, political debates are about how Ugorshchina will save its energy security and economical room for maneuver, how it integrates into the European system, how to finance the war by gradually wasting future resources and security. The 12th quarter will be decided if Ugorshchina saves its activity in line with powerful economic interests, if it will be afraid to enter into a European war, Miklosh has completed his analysis.

Tsikavo, what are we talking about “our pennies”? Even Viktor Orban’s parasitism on European integration is nothing other than political scam or political clientism. Moreover, the citizens of Ugorshchina understand well. These billionaire handouts from Brussels cannot last forever. Orbanism is aggressive, sneaky, or short-sighted. No electoral dictatorship in Europe can rule forever. I Orban will not be exempted from this rule.

In the current Ugric political discourse of the upcoming elections, scheduled for the 12th quarter of 2026, Ukraine, through the mechanism of instilling a “politics of fear”, was transformed from a side into a central instrument of internal.

An analysis of the media strategy of Viktor Orban and the Fidesz party allows us to see the key aspects of the current “Ukrainian map” as an existential threat:.

– Narrative “war or peace”. The main thesis of pro-Orban propaganda lies in the fact that the least orderly order is a guarantor of peace, since the opposition (formerly the Tisza party of Peter Madyar) is ready to fight for the “Brussels rogue war”.

This message is actively disseminated through national media and foreign advertising, often using artificial intelligence to create emotional images, for example, posters of President Zelensky and European officials.

– Discredit to sovereignty and institution. The Ugric press systemically dehumanizes Ukraine, suppressing its subjectivity. Orban publicly stated that Ukraine has ceased to be a sovereign power and is no longer an instrument of the approach.

– Zvinuvachennya at the hand at the choice. In order to reduce the success of the opposition, which is ahead of Fidesz by 10-12%, the official calls Kiev for “coordinated efforts to hand in the Ugric elections”. This allows internal dissatisfaction with the economy (inflation, health crisis) to be channeled, shifting respect for marriage to the “external enemy”.

– Energy blackmail and collapse collapse. Propaganda exploits the theme of blocking the transit of oil through the Druzhba nafto pipeline, ignoring the facts of Russian shelling of infrastructure and putting Ukraine in an “energy blockade”. Vibortsev are shouting that support for Ukraine will lead to the economic collapse of the Ugorshchina, while Vidmova will help Kiev in any way to save low gasoline prices.

This strategy is aimed at preserving a loyal electorate in rural locality, where the dominance of state-owned media is absolute. Ukraine, in this context, assumes the role of an ideal antagonist through which Budapest wages its proxy war with Brussels, trying to preserve power in the minds of the most serious political movement for the last 16 years.

It is clear that Viktor Orban’s anti-Ukrainian campaign before the parliamentary elections is a classic example of instrumentalization of foreign policy for internal mobilization of the electorate, and although.

Warto notes that the strategy of the pro-Moscow Orban is based on the creation of an “existential threat” in particular Ukraine and Brussels, in order to gain respect for economic stagnation, high inflation and.

This campaign can be started after three levels of influx. The first is the institutional pressure of the European Union. The EU may be able to block billions of dollars in funding for the Ukrainian government. Let's get Budapest in this way before the 90 billion European loans for Ukraine are unblocked. Or initiate the procedure for Article 7 of the EU Treaty to reduce the voting rights of the Ugric region, which will demonstrate to the Ugric voter the real cost of isolationism.

However, Brussels is acting carefully, softening up criticism, so as not to allow Orban to call the EU the directly handed over to the election, which is already trying to work, calling the opposition “agents of Brussels and Kiev”.

Another reason is information protection and support for democratic institutions. The remains of the Fidesz election campaign are filled with disinformation (for example, about the “Primus mobilization of the Ukrainians” or the rise of Shi-billboards against the President of Ukraine), and support is critically important.

The third river is the strategic streamlining of Ukraine. Nowadays, Kiev’s violent reaction to Orban’s provocation (the name given to spying, the elections awarded to the super checks for the “Friendship” pipeline) is blatantly promoted by Ugric propaganda as proof of “Ukrainian aggression”.

The most effective tactic to feed Orban’s plans is to reduce his monopoly on the “daily order”. If the opposition to Madyar focuses on internal problems: corruption, crises in the health care system, then Orban’s anti-Ukrainian rhetoric begins to look like a piecemeal test in reality.

However, it is possible to launch Viktor Orban’s campaign not so much through the fences on the side of Brussels, but rather through the creation of minds, creating such a policy for the cross-cut eel (through EU sanctions and economical isolation).

Obviously, the strategy for neutralizing the political influx of Viktor Orban and his Fidesz party emphasizes the transition from a reactive judgment to a pragmatic construction of the “vartosti dilemma” as a result of the continuation of their satisfactory rule for the Ugric.

At the core of the Orban regime lies a specific social contract: the exchange of liberal standards in exchange for a consistently stable kindness and the protection of identity in the face of individually accentuated threats.. And deconstruction of this model can only destroy the correlation between loyalty to the regime and economic security of the individual.

The key tool in this context is the mechanism of obtaining the EU, which will require the transformation of the European Union from a purely legal regulator to an agent of real economic flow through the creation of financial deficits.

When the value of funds from renewal funds or structural funds moves from abstract macroeconomic indicators to the level of real inflation, infrastructure degradation and the shortening of social subsidies, emotional.

Everything indicates that populist regimes are extremely sensitive to “electoral disruption”. Even if the price for ideological conformism outweighs the benefit of government paternalistic support, the mobilization potential of fear of the “external enemy” loses its effectiveness.

Moreover, economical isolation and increased sanctions create a situation of “toxicity” of the Ukrainian jurisdiction for foreign investments, which is critical for the economy,.

And the creation of minds, the Ukrainian business and the middle class are faced with the choice between integration in the global market and an isolationist course of order, leading to internal erosion of the world.

Thus, the strategic meta lies in the radical shift for the Ugric voter to the “wart of the loss of power” by Viktor Orban. Whenever a populist decision comes along with a direct decline in the purchasing power of the population, the rational interest of the voter inevitably comes into conflict with the imposed ideological.

This strategy may be directly aimed at dismantling the very foundations of the Ugric anti-liberal model. Even the regime of Viktor Orban is fatally focused on a specific form of an unspoken suspense agreement: the exchange of ancient democratic freedoms and the concentration of power and financial resources in the hands of the Orban oligarchic clan in exchange for illusory.

A sharp and radical shift in the “vartosti diminution of power” actually means the termination of the contract. When the deceitful political comfort that comes from accepting the basic rules of the game is no longer compensated by material benefits, choose to move from the stage of emotional identification with the leader to the stage of pragmatic audit.

Even if the Ugric election leader ignores corruption or the sound of freedom of speech, until his special representative’s ability to purchase money becomes permanent. However, if the price of loyalty becomes exorbitant (inflation, decline in real incomes, degradation of public services), a conflict arises between the “ideologically imposed” Orban regime.

And this creates the minds for the delegitimization of power: populist exasperation is beginning to be accepted not as a defense of national interests, but as a reason for particular financial losses.

The possibility of replacing the Viktor Orban regime appears not simply through dissatisfaction, but through a change in the structure of the political market. The decline of economic displays is disturbing the apolitical part of the marriage and the “soft” supporters of power are searching for an alternative that would promote not a different ideology, but effective management.

In such a context, the political alternative may be considered as a strength that the “rationality” of the state governance, contrasting the “expensive ideology” of Viktor Orban with the “realistic pragmatism” of the opposition.

Prote varto vrakhovat that behind the minds of Orban’s monopolization of the Ugorshchina media space, the authoritarian regime may try to present economic difficulties as “external aggression” (sabotage of Brussels or sanctions).

The success of the strategy lies not only in the fact of the deterioration of life, but also in the fact that opposition forces are able to consolidate in mass media a direct causal link: “poverty is not.

The transformation of loyalty to an “expensive asset” is a classic tool for destabilizing hybrid regimes. As the ideological identity becomes unbearable for the middle class, the regime is losing its mass base, transforming from a “people's leader” to an “economic tractor”, which is the forerunner of a systemic political transformation..